This episode is final installment with Prof. Mikaberidze. He discusses the nature of the Holy Roman Empire (HRE) and how the Napoleonic Wars, at least politically, marked Medieval Times giving way to Modern Age in Central Europe.  

Before 1805, was no Germany but the HRE, a commonwealth of over 300 subdivisions of mostly German-speaking states. This included kingdoms, free states, duchies, and bishoprics.  The Emperor was elected by nine rulers of the more influential states. From the 16th Century onward, each Emperor came from the Habsburg family, which resulted in Habsburgs running Austria and overseeing the Empire.  Austria, Bavaria, Saxony, Baden, Württemberg and Hanover where among the more influential states.    

The relationships of the panoply of states was impacted by competition and alliances in accord with tastes of the times.  Each state was generally self-sufficient. If the Emperor requested, troops could be sent for a common cause for a delineated term.  Importantly, there was not a Germanic army loyal to the Emperor. This was their “separation of powers." Other large powers exploited this -- as French Kings did during the 30 Years War and Napoleon did as well.

The HRE existed for about 1000 years, if you measure it from Pope Leo crowning Charlemagne in 800 A.D.,  or 850 years from Pope John XII crowning Otto in 962.  In any event, it all ends in1805, in the wake of the Battle of Austerlitz. Through victory, Napoleon restructures the old institution into something new, namely the Confederation of the Rhine, which had 39 states.

We also discuss the “Glorious Retreat,” a term the professor uses in an ironic sense. This phrase was born in 19th century Russia and heavily promoted in Soviet times, where Kutuzov was extolled as a genius.  Granted, what is depicted in Part II of Book I was a wise retreat where Kutuzov never allowed his forces to get out-worked and surrounded like General Mack at Ulm. However, the events of 1805 were a significant loss for the Russian Empire with minimal “glory” A re-characterization was the method to find a silver lining. The Russians promoted their continued escape and placed the blame on “treacherous” Austrians.  They cherry-picked certain efforts, like in Krems, and celebrated Bagration.  The Professor also touches on how formal military rules were flouted, and officers, at times, would travel with their wives, and come up with creative excuses for the breach.  

Prof. Mikaberidze later gives an overview of some of the various Cossacks to populate the Russian Empire in the early 19th Century.  He also references whether Napoleon missed an opportunity of allying with the population of territories taken by Russia during the partitions of Poland (the final one formalized in 1797), which was within memory of much of the population Napoleon encountered when he march East. For example, when reached Vilnius in 1812, he was met with widespread acclaim.   He also marched through (what is today) Belarus and northern Ukraine. As some of these areas were acquired forcefully 20 years before, Napoleon may have been able to recruit more of the local population with skillful outreach.  It is also an interesting question as to whether masses of Ukrainian and Lithuanian peasantry would have assisted him.

We close by discussing the transcendent nature of War & Peace.

Kutuzov is presented with a choice while the French advance toward Krems: (1) abandon the main road or (2) continue toward Ölmutz. Each is fraught with peril and he chooses the latter. It was in this direction he had sent Gen. Bagration, who Andrei (off-book) convinced Kutuzov to allow to join. In the previous chapter, Kutuzov steadfastly refused the request, under the belief Bagration would be decimated.  

The idea was to march rapidly and fortify a position, engage the French, once again allowing the main force to retreat.   This involved a 30 mile march where Kutuzov willed his men to reach the town of Hollabrünn before the French. The maneuver also allowed supply lines to be secured. 

One may ask: What is the purpose in depicting what seems like military minutia? While War & Peace is known for it’s victorious ending, showcasing the War of 1812, much of the body of the work, explores the ideals the French introduced through the Napoleonic Wars, which led to changes in Russian Society during Tolstoy’s life. This includes ideas brought forth during the failed Decembrist revolt of 1825. Tolstoy was writing from the perspective of having served in the Crimean War (1853-56), where Russia was humiliated and forced to reform. Tolstoy was able to witness the emancipation of the serfs who were conscripted in the battles (both minor and great) that War & Peace depicts.

Gen. Joachim Murat, fresh from taking Vienna, reached Bagration’s forces and proposed a 3-day truce. Murat was thought to be hesitating while waiting for reinforcements. In hindsight, Murat is viewed as having been in an advantageous position. Murat may also have been thinking that peace negotiations were under way and that risking men in a fierce battle was unnecessary. Bagration communicated the offer to Kutuzov, with both understanding the advantage. Foremost, it allowed for necessary rest. When word reached Napoleon, who was relatively close at Shönbrunn Palace, he sent a messenger to chastise Murat. He ordered the truce be rescinded and set out to the front. 

Chapter 15 takes us into Bagration’s division, where we find Andrei. Bagration gave Andrei the choice the be upfront with him or in the rear guard.  Andrei was permitted to explore the camp by escort, as he desired to place himself where he would be of most use. At first, Andrei found a disorganized mess. He ran into Artillery Captain Tushin, who was in his tent with his boots off, which was against protocol. Tushin had a noble spirit about him. He was salt-of-the-earth and did his best to defuse the uncomfortable situation.

During the truce, Andrei observed soldiers in various states, including digging trenches in minimal clothing. Andrei reached a hill from where he could observe his adversary. The closer he got to the front, he noticed an equanimity to the men. This depiction likely stems from Tolstoy’s experience in the bastions of Crimea. 

Tolstoy is pointing out the paradox of good men who will soon be sent to kill those who profess the same religion. He captures a decency of those put up front. There was a pride and sense of togetherness. Many were dragging logs and constructing huts. Laughing and chatter could be heard. Some sat around fire, eating, drying clothes, or attending to leg bands. They behaved with a dignity and as if they were at home.

Tolstoy also captures the brutality of army life. Andrei soon observes a soldier being brutally disciplined. He is naked and held down by two men, while two others beat him with switches.  He had been caught stealing and a Major was commanding the beating to continue. This highlights the Prussian discipline many Russian commanders adopted.

Andrei moves on and reaches the center of the front line, where the truce envoys met. He could see the faces of the adversary. Contingents on both sides jest and taunt one another. Dolokhov is in the middle of it.  The soldiers are filled with misinformation and the taunts center around Napoleon. The banter gets so heated that musket balls are propelled into the air. Eventually, the soldiers retire -- leaving each other’s artillery to ominously face one another.

For those picking up War & Peace, deciphering the context of this era is a challenge. This episode is a great resource regarding the initial stages of the War of the Third Coalition in 1805.  

France prevailed over the 1st Coalition in 1797 and 2nd Coalition in 1801. Afterward, France controlled much of Western Europe, including (from today’s perspective): Belgium, much of Southern Germany, Switzerland, and various parts of Italy. Spain was also a junior partner of France. 

Napoleon was having success pushing for a reorganization of the German states, which included the Imperial Recess of 1803. This movement threatened the centuries-old interests of Austria, Prussia, and Russia.  

The War of the Third Coalition began in the Summer of 1805. The Coalition had manpower of over a half a million, but they were spread out and not organized. For example, the Coalition had a presence in the Netherlands, Hanover (Northern Germany), Southern Italy, and Prussia. The Coalition was eager to invade Bavaria, a French ally. The Austrians wanted to pressure (through force) the Bavarians to align with them. The feeling was: what Bavaria does, so will most of the German states.

Gen. Kutuzov led the largest contingent of the Czar’s forces and was given the task of uniting with Austrians as they pushed into Bavaria. Kutuzov initially had to cover about 900 miles to link up. He started out with around 50,000, but by the time he arrived, only half his troops remained. 

In September, Austrian forces made the move into Bavaria. Kutuzov’s forces were expected in early October, but were late. The march was slower than expected, leaving a wide gap between Austrians and Russian forces.  When Kutuzov arrived, his men were exhausted and ill-equipped. Nevertheless, the Austrians wanted to get their allies right into the fight, especially at Ulm. Kutuzov recognized this would be fruitless and held back.

Napoleon grasped the situation and attacked relatively isolated Austrians, demolishing them at Ulm. He then turned his attention to chasing Kutuzov before reinforcements could arrive. Kutuzov recognizes retreat is the best option -- to thin out Napoleon’s forces. Kutuzov engages the French with his rear guard, often led by Gen. Peter Bagration.   By November, Napoleon is weaker, but still threatening.  Kutuzov was waiting for Winter and for Coalition forces to be reinforced. Prof. Mikaberidze contends that if Kutuzov’s advice was followed, Napoleon likely would have lost the war in the first half of 1806.

We then move onto a discussion of the daily experience of officers and soldiers, based on correspondence the Professor reviewed.  From the French perspective, there is a realization Napoleon is winning through speed. The French are stressed but were moved by a sense of elation. They feel part of something monumental. Russian officers communicated a life of drudgery. Many were sick or lagging behind and walked with boots that were in tatters. There was an utter lack of food and supplies. This was a responsibility the Austrians were not living up to.   Nevertheless, there was a sense of pride and group cohesion on both sides. 

Overall, Kutuzov held a reputation for treating his men decently. He made a point to visit soldiers during common gatherings such as around camp fires. He asked about their experience. He would occasionally sit down with rank-and-file soldiers over a bowl of porridge. 

The Professor also discusses hierarchical nature of Russian society and the Table of Ranks (there were 14 total) imposed by Peter the Great. It was adopted from European systems and held up until 1917.   One would start at bottom, and ideally (though not in practice) advance through merit and perseverance.

This episode is part I of III of my interview with LSU History Professor Alexander Mikaberidze, an expert on the Napoleonic Wars. I'm breaking our interview up into roughly 20 minute segments.

We focus on General Mikhail Kutuzov, who is introduced, in-depth, to War & Peace readers in Book 1 Part 2. Chapter 13 has Prince Andrei taking in the scars Kutuzov suffered from being shot by musket balls in Crimea.

Professor Mikaberidze notes Kutuzov, as a young man, was serving in the Danubian principalities, primarily Romania, and merited the reputation of a brave and capable officer who often led "from the front."

Kutuzov was also known (as a young soldier) to be an unending source of jokes and parodies – the type of person helpful to making military life tolerable. However, during a night of drinking he made fun of a Commander in Chief who did not see any fun in Kutuzov's jest. The incident got Kutuzov transferred from the First Army in Romania to the Second Army in the Crimean peninsula, which was something of a demotion.

In Crimea, in 1774, there was a conflict with the Turks. Part of Kutuzov's unit was ordered to attack an Ottoman fortification. Kutuzov was leading soldiers and wound up on a rock waving his men forward. At this point, he was shot in the head and miraculously avoided death. He was carried off the field and recovered. His convalescence was aided (financially) by Empress Katarina. Kutuzov was able to travel about Europe and received the best medical care in Prussia, Austria and the Dutch Republic. During this time, he met the most influential members of society, including Frederik the Great and various influential Austrians.

Kutuzov escaped death again in the summer of 1788, when we he was shot, once again by Ottomans in Crimea. The projectile went through his left check and came out the right side of his neck. Part of his jaw was shattered.

Prof. Mikaberidze discusses how these incidents may have affected him and Kutuzov’s genuine care for those under his command. The Professor touches on Kutuzov's writings and that to Kutuzov -- being a soldier meant great sacrifice. 

Given the nature of Kutuzov's recovery, the famous French doctor who treated him, as well as Kutuzov himself, believed there was a sense of Providence that saved Kutuzov. This view holds Kutuzov was touched by the Almighty and was being prepared for something monumental.

Andrei embarks on his mission to “save the army,” by getting back to Kutuzov. He secures a Cossack horse and attendant and travels from Brünn to Krems. 

He finds himself among thousands of soldiers, who are weary. The roads were jammed with carts, horses and carriages. Soldiers found themselves deprived of food, supplies and weapons promised by the Austrians. This led to a situation where soldiers would ravage the countryside and return from local villages with plunder.

The road remained a mess much of the way, with commanders yelling, whips cracking and soldiers in poor spirits. The side of the road was littered with dead horses, broken wagons and the sick or injured. 

Andrei had occasion to reflect on Napoleon’s words: “That Russian army which English gold has brought from the ends of the Universe; we shall cause it to share the same fate as the army at Ulm.” However, Andrei senses the next battle could be his Siege of Toulan, the conflict (1793) where Napoleon made a name for himself.  

Amidst the chaos, Andrei comes across an unusual scene - a drunk officer driving a carriage and whipping the driver of another who apparently “cut the line.” The drunkard yells, “Turn back with your slut.” He is referring to the woman pleading for help while her husband (a physician) is being assaulted.  The Russian Army had a reputation of allowing wives travel with some officers – though it was technically against the rules. The woman appeals for someone in authority and spots Andrei.  He bears a few insults but uses tact and his position to diffuse the situation. He soon reaches the village where Kutuzov is located.

As Andrei walks around - Nesvitsky spots him, and his expression revealed the army’s dreadful position.  As he escorted Andrei to Kutuzov, he inquires what Andrei knows about any truce, hoping for same. Nesvitsky reflects on how immature he was to laugh at Mack’s situation. Nesvitsky also noticed Andrei was suffering from the elements -- wincing and wheezing.

As Andrei nears Kutuzov’s quarters, Kozlovsky (another close aide), was dictating orders that there will be battle, not capitulation. Kutuzov was in the process sending Prince Pytor Bagration to fight in the next battle. Kutuzov said, amidst tears, “Well, good-bye Prince, Christ be with you, Many blessings on Your great endeavor.”  He drew Bagration close with his left hand and with his right, crossed himself. In return, Bagration kissed Kutuzov on the neck.  

Kutuzov noticed Andrei and asked him to enter his carriage. Andrei initially begged to fight with Bagration. Kutuzov diplomatically refused, knowing it was pointless. He told Andrei, “I have need of good officers with me” and that “there is still much before us.” Kutuzov poignantly relayed, “if one in ten of that division returns, I shall be thankful to God.” During the ride, the two were quite close, giving Andrei a chance to examine the deep scar on Kutuzov’s temple where a bullet pierced his skull. Andrei realizes Kutuzov earned the right to speak about all facets of war, even sending men to their deaths, recognizing this as a necessary aspect of leadership.

The nature of Kutuzov’s infamous wound is discussed. Though not referenced in much detail, Kutuzov was shot in 1774 -- in Alushta, Crimea -- while leading grenadiers in a siege against fortified positions of the Ottomans. He was standing on a large rock waving on his men and took a musket ball to the head. He was hit between left eye and temple and the projective went thru his skull, not hitting the brain. He wound up on a pile of the fallen. His was carried off and miraculously survived. His recovery took about year and a half. He suffered another bullet to the head in 1788 at Ochakiv when Kutuzov was scouting positions, ironically with Austrians. His jaw was fractured. The ball went in around the left cheek. It only took six months before he returned to active duty.

Les Nôtres (Bilibin's clique of diplomats) were happy to open their group to Andrei and they all chatted in Bilibin’s study. However, Andrei quickly took his leave for the royal reception. Emperor Francis met various officials en masse but later Andrei received a more private audience. Francis asked Andrei banal questions such as: How long was it since Andrei left the field? How was Kutuzov? and..At what time was General Schmiddt killed? Francis spoke as if it was his aim to ask questions...with the answers meaning very little.

Francis II presented Andrei with an award – Admission to the Maria Theresa Order of the 3rd Class. Andrei was soon surrounded by elites and received the attention he previously yearned for. He was now conflicted, coming to resent the splendor while men like Napoleon and Murat were in the field making a difference.

As Andrei walked back to Bilibin’s quarters after the ceremony, the dynamic changed when he observed his friend's coachman furiously packing. Bilibin relayed that Napoleon’s forces were marching toward Brünn. 

Bilibin, in his typical flair, references the historic affair at the Tabor Bridge, where French generals -- Joachim Murat and Jean Lannes -- conned their way across, along with a contingent of French forces.  Those defending the crossing, most notably Fürst Karl Joseph Franz von Auersperg, failed in their duty.  This allowed the French to take the entire capital of Vienna without a shot fired and place their army on same the side of the Danube as the retreating Austrians and Russians. In less than a month – the French would be encountered at Austerlitz.

Andrei envision what he must do - namely return to General Kutuzov to "save the army!" Bilibin implores Andrei to retreat to Olmütz, where the Austrian Court is headed, as there is no mandate for Andrei to immediately return to the front. Bilibin senses Kutuzov is facing decimation. Bilibin calls Andrei "un philosophe" a title for the kind of philosopher (usually French) ushering in a new age in the mold of Voltaire, Rousseau and Diderot. Such persons have an obligation to protect themselves for the advancement of society. However, out of a sense of patriotism, bravado as well as the pull to live up the ideals his father instilled, Andrei sets out to return to his unit.

Prince Andrei wakes up for a big day – for he has an invitation to a royal reception before Francis II, the Holy Roman Emperor. Francis will be the final person holding this title, after a near-1000 year run governing Central Europe. Vienna was often the seat of government but so were areas in the modern-day Check Republic, such as Brünn. German was the common tongue and the center of power was basically wherever the Emperor decided to be.

Andrei is dressed in ceremonial uniform and enters Bilibin’s study, where Bilibin is holding court with fellow Russian diplomats, including Hippolyte Kuragin. This clique calls themselves Les Nôtres (“Our People”) and are more interested in vain pursuits than public service. This is Tolstoy’s subtle comment on the merits of said profession. Tolstoy had notable diplomats as well as military figures in his aristocratic family.

Hippolyte quickly became the object of ridicule for his inability to convey a competent thought as well as his lack of acumen with women. It is clear he obtained his station from family connections rather than merit. Bilibin sarcastically labels Hippolyte "Demosthenes," one of the great Athenian orators. Hippolyte laughs it off but knows enough to become distressed.

Les Nôtres were happy to open their group to Andrei, who chatted for a spell, but quickly left for the reception. Bilibin wished to entertain Andrei in Brünn but sees the Prince is about his business. With regard to Andrei's upcoming meeting with Francis, Bilibin advices: "Audiences are his passion but he doesn't like talking himself and never has a word to say, as you will find out."

The focus shifts to Prince Andrei. He was said to be serving with the late Gen. Schmidtt, who was killed at Dürenstein. Andrei is sent to convey a battlefield report to the Austrian court, which has moved from Vienna to Brünn (now in the Czech Republic – ‘Brno’). 

Traveling by carriage, Andrei is stirred with the exhilaration that comes from facing fire. In the fray, Andrei’s hand was grazed by a bullet and his horse was shot.  He replayed the details of the battle and reflected on his own courage. When asleep, he dreamed of being killed and Russia defeated. 

When Andrei encountered a convoy of wounded comrades, he eagerly asked for updated information and distributed gold pieces. He reached Brünn at night, taking in the aesthetics of ancient city. The lofty buildings and quant shops were far from the realities of military camp life. He envisioned being graciously welcomed by the Austrian court but the reality was that he was made to wait by a stream of bureaucrats and finally got an audience with the Minister of War, a bookish old man who barely acknowledged him. Tolstoy is making the point that those who condemn countless souls to death avoid having to embrace the realities of war. The Minister already knows much of what Andrei was there to convey, laments the death of Schmidtt, and informs Andrei the Emperor will see him the following day.

Andrei retires to the quarters of Bilibin, a Russian diplomat who Andrei was familiar with. Both aristocrats have high prospects because of their lineage. Bilibin is 35 and unmarried. He has a thin and worn face. He is an expert at turning out reports and memos. He is both a wit and wordsmith, with a ready remark for all occasions. While sitting beside a fire and conversing in French, Bilibin quickly informs Andrei, “with all proper respect for the Russian Orthodox Army, your victory, was not particularly victorious.” He reveals the poor position the allies are in and that Vienna has been taken. The capital was abandoned and Napolean feasts at the Baroque palace, Schonbrunn. There have been reports a key series of bridges on the Danube (the Tabor) not being properly defended and Marshals Murat and Lannes taking advantage.  

Andrei’s mind is blown. He wonders how this had happened, and if this means the campaign is over. Bilibin believes it is – expect for the question of whether the King of Prussia, Frederik Wilhem III, will join the Czar. With such an alliance, the fight may go on. If not, capitulation and treaties await. Austria would sue for peace at terms detrimental to the Czar. Bilibin notes Austria has been rendered a fool and will wish to preserve her honor. It hits Andrei that nobody will care much for what he has come to report.  

Andrei is enamored with Napolean. He contemplates the luck the man has. It also dawns on him how Austrian will quickly dismiss Russia as an ally. He then retires, where his thoughts were occupied with the potential of the moment -- possible alliances, Austria’s likely treachery, Bonaparte’s triumphs, his upcoming meeting with King Francis.  Once asleep, his dreams thrust him back into the battle, where bullets whipped by him and the recently deceased Gen Schmidtt. It gave him the most extreme appreciation and joy of living!

This episode elaborates on Tolstoy’s depiction of the historic retreat of Kutuzov eastward (following the Danube) towards Vienna. Kutuzov’s army amounted to 35K and were often buttressed by similarly retreating Austrian allies. The first part of Ch. 9 references this march along with three battles where the French vanguard caught up with Kutuzov’s rear-guard.

The previous chapters mention Napoleon’s mastery at Ulm, where around 25K Austrians surrendered after a brilliant encircling maneuver.   Austrians who escaped were also retreating toward Vienna. There was a notion manpower should concentrate on defending the Capital.

Kutuzov’s army was pursued by a significant detachment of the Grand Armée as Napoleon wished to pin them down -- allowing Napoleon to concentrate additional forces on taking Vienna.

Kutuzov finds himself among an increasingly hostile civilian population. Many were prone to welcome the French rather than encounter Russians, whose necessity to live off the land wore out any welcome. 

On Oct. 28, 1805, Kutuzov had his army cross the Danube. This allowed him to postpone any conflicts until the Battle of Lamach on 10/31. It involved about 3,700 allies and similar amount of French. The French were led by Marshall Louis-Nicolas Davout (The Iron Marshall).  Kutuzov delegated the defense to General Pyotr Bagration. The engagement took place in a small village and involved calvary, hussars and artillery. The French won the field but Bagration held off Davout long enough to allow Kutuzov an effective retreat. The French only suffered about 50 casualties (killed or wounded) while the Russians likely experienced 150 and Austrians 400.

Soon after, on 11/5 was the Battle of Amstetten. It was the first time during the War of the Third Coalition that Kutuzov's forces were involved such a sizable conflict. There were around 7K allies and 10K French. Traditional techniques were used, including using the terrain to an advantage, as well as retreats and counterattacks with reinforcements. The was a mad calvary charge led by Marshall Joachim Murat. For Murat, known for bravery and rashness -- this was not a shining moment. Estimates indicate 300 casualties for Bagration’s forces and 1,000 each for Austrians and French.  Once again, Bagration gave Kutuzov’s main force sufficient distance from the French. On the field, there was no clear winner.

The Battle of Dürenstein then took place on 11/11. Here, Kutuzov’s army achieved its greatest success to date, which provided quite the (temporary) morale boost. The allies drove off the French, who were under Marshal Edouard Mortier. Around 24K allies faced 14K French and Kutuzov’s men captured some artillery, battle standards and prisoners. Each side took around 5K casualties.   It appears Mortier overextended his vanguard and paid the price, getting his men caught in a valley between two opposing columns. Overall, the Austrians took the worst of the affair as General Johann Henrich Von Schmitt was killed. Schmitt was a respected strategist, surveyor and map maker. He was likely accidentally shot by a Russian soldier, which was greatly resented.

Tolstoy describes the increase of casualties. Kutuzov is compelled to leave throngs of his wounded behind, with a cordial note – commending them to the humanity of the French. The expectation was that the prisoners would be treated and exchanged. However, the countryside was overwhelmed and proper treatment was an impossibility.

Only Denisov’s squadron of Hussars and some Cossacks were on the side of the crossing facing the enemy. The French became visible when they emerged from a tree line on the heights, putting their artillery into position. The Hussars remained poised amidst French bugle calls. 

Between Denisov’s men and the enemy was about 700 yards of vacant space. It was a no-man’s land Tolstoy gave transcendent significance. He wrote:

“One step beyond that line, which is like the bourne dividing the living from the dead… [W]hat is there?, who is there?, there beyond that field, beyond that tree…. No one knows, but who does not long to know? You fear to cross that line, yet you long to cross it; and you know that sooner or later it will have to be crossed….”

Soon, the French fired cannons overshooting the Hussars. The faces of the Hussars showed “conflict, excitement and agitation.” Rostov sat on his horse, confident and ready to showcase his bravery. He glanced around with a serene and radiant expression.  Denisov appeared redder in the face than usual -- perhaps from liquid courage – and led his men across to safety. He met up with Col. Karl Bogdanich Schubert. Young Rostov believed Col. Schubert (who recently dressed him down as a “liar”) noticed him.

Zherkov, who had been demoted to field duties, found Schubert and delivered an order to “fire the bridge.” This involved sending a small group into the line-of-fire. There was confused discussion among the officers on what should be done. It would have been better to have set fire to the structure on the way over rather than to send men back. Minutes were now a matter of life and death. Schubert ordered that Denisov’s squadron perform the task. This confirmed Rostov’s (incorrect & lofty) suspicion that he was being focused on. In reality, he was hardly noticed. Some of the Hussars made for the bridge on horse and others, including Rostov, on foot. Rostov ignominiously fell in the mud. 

The French then sent soldiers running towards the bridge.  It was a race to see if the Hussars could blow the bridge before taking excessive fire. The officers wondered: Who would get there first? Would the French artillery rip the Hussars to pieces? Zherkov, true to his base character, contemplated the awards that await if the task was pulled off. 

When further cannon shots rang out, Nesvitsky noticed that a Hussar was cut down. He was shocked by the brutality and imagined -- “If I were Czar I would never make war.” Grapeshot rained down on the bridge.  One blast fell in the midst of a group, hitting three men. Soon smoke from the bridge obscured it.

Rostov found himself in the middle of the crossing, unable to help the situation. He didn’t even have any burning straw. He was useless and in fear. He could hear the grapeshot spreading around, which resembled someone scattering nuts. The Hussar nearest him was hit and there was a call for “stretchers!” Rostov could only stare into the distance, having an epiphany as he took in the Danube, sky, and sun. The water so blue and calm. Nature was filled with peace and happiness but all around him -- man-made mayhem. He became conscious of his mortality and realized he may never see the sun again. The yearn to fight was purged. His fear of death and love of life merged into a sickening agitation. Rostov prayed aloud to the Lord for forgiveness and protection. He then ran back following Hussars who successfully set the bridge ablaze.

When safe, Rostov thought himself a coward. However, that was not the way others viewed him, for his elders understood what the young man had just experienced. Overall, the mission a success and the Hussars took just a handful of casualties. It appeared one was killed on the spot and one or two died later.  Only a few more were wounded, which to the Colonel’s view, was “not worth mentioning” in official reports.

Chapter 6: General Kutuzov is obligated to have his forces fall back towards Vienna and destroy bridges that cross the River Enn, particularly at Braunnau and Traun (near Linz). 

On a warm but showery Autumn Day -- October 23, 1805 -- the bridge in Braunnau is focused on. Here, the Russian command is located on heights that provide a splendid view of the countryside surrounding Braunnau. This was not far from where the Enn flows into the Danube.

Among the artillery guns was Prince Nesvitsky, who was treating fellow soldiers to a local delicacy (small pies) as well as some rum punch (doppel-kümmel). The men chat about what they could view, including: the throng retreating towards them on the bridge, the movement of weaponry, as well as a local castle that would be ransacked for supplies. Their attention soon focuses on a local convent believed to be filled with young Italian nuns. Nesvitsky voices how he would love to "slip in" while another contends the nuns must be equally bored to death.

Kutuzov recognizes the retreat is moving at a snail's pace and that the men are in danger of being fired upon -- as the enemy could now be seen with the naked eye. Soon thereafter, Nesvitsky received orders to cross the bridge and tell a Colonel to have the Hussars cross last and destroy the bridge. Nesvitsky (along with a Cossack) left for this mission – telling his friends that he is going to “pay a visit to those little nuns.”

A General soon orders a cannon fired to test the range, which he finds will also be “a little fun to relieve the monotony.” A roar emanated and the shell went overhead, but fell well-short of the enemy.  While some faces lit up at the sound, a light-hearted gaiety prevailed.

Chapter 7: The French were motivated to fire back. By this point, Nesvitsky was halfway across the bridge but stuck among the crush of men traveling the opposite way.  He had been forced to dismount from his horse and was jammed against the parapet (barrier/wall). He could barely move among: men shoulder-to-shoulder with bayonets, baggage wagons, and cannons. Nesvitsky looked down and absorbed the unencumbered flow of the river, such a contrast to the chaos above.  He noticed the conversations around him. One man spoke about a fellow solider being hit with a butt of a gun in the teeth. Another referenced the need for supplies (leg-bands). Yet another mentioned facing fire for the first time. Nesvitsky then passed a German family who had a special permit to evacuate. The father was quite nervous as he had with him two beautiful daughters. The soldiers were captivated by the young Germans, with every face wearing a smile “born of unseemly thoughts.” This movement of a family fleeing with all their possessions was foreboding. 

Prince Nesvitsky then noticed fire from the French splash into the water. This caused the cluster to move faster. Nesvitsky was getting nowhere until he was spotted by Captain Denisov, who was told of the Prince's assignment. Denisov cleared a path with his sword and bravado ("Tell these devils, these demons, to give us woom!...Out of the way! Make woom! I will cut to pieces!...”). Denisov was absorbed in the moment, long having been ready for action.

Once the message was delivered to the Colonel, it was time to cross back and get out of cannon range. Here, Denisov reconnected with some of his Hussars and the rivalry between the infantry and Hussars became apparent. Some Hussars, with their fancy uniforms and horses, essentially cut the line, and paraded -- four horses abreast -- back across the bridge. This led to insults being shouted from infantry and a Hussar splashing a soldier with mud. When an infantryman yelled, “What's the use of them? They’re just for show. Only fit for a circus!,” a hussar eventually responded, “put a broomstick beneath your legs and ride-a-cock horse!”

Word of Nikolai tracking down Lt. Telyanin and accusing him of stealing Denisov’s money spread through the army, reaching the Hussar Regimental Commander, Colonel Karl Bogdanych Schubert (a name evidencing German ancestry).

Bogdanych, a fictional leader who was well-respected, confronted Rostov and called the young ensign a liar. He did this not out of any affinity for Telyanin, but to protect the integrity of his Hussars. The Colonel desires to avoid a green officer like Rostov publicly accusing a superior, as the mere allegation of thievery reflects poorly on the unit. 

In Denisov’s quarters, Rostov receives a lecture from his fellow officers on the reality of the situation. Leading this colloquy is Kirsten, a staff sergeant, who details the obligation to apologize. 

Kirsten points out how Rostov is new to the regiment in contrast to a great number of the Hussars have known each other for years and expect to die in the unit. In contrast, with his aristocratic background, Rostov is likely to be called away to a more glamorous role his peers will never have the opportunity to pursue. He is expected to be “here today, gone tomorrow.”  

The officers convey that Rostov should have never responded to Col. Bogdanych by alleging that it was the old man who was the liar. Rostov, however, sees the matter as one of personal honor and even considered demanding satisfaction.

Kirsten also points out how Rostov can be expected to leave the Hussars and damage their reputation through discussing how they steal from one another.  The integrity of the group means as much to Kirsten and his fellows as Rostov’s personal reputation means to him. The greatest sin of this ordeal was Rostov shining light on it. 

While Denisov wants to punish Telyanin man-to-man, even he sees the folly of Rostov and the need to account for his behavior. The overarching obligation is to promote regimental harmony.

Through the lecture, Rostov develops an understanding of the dynamic and is reduced to tears. He voices that will accept any punishment/extra duty and swears he can be relied on to demonstrate his courage and loyalty in the upcoming campaign. However, he will not apologize, saying “I will not allow ANYONE to call me a liar”. 

The young man’s obstinacy causes Denisov to burst out laughing. Denisov informs Rostov that his posture will only make the situation worse as Bogdanych can be vindictive. Kirsten realizes the matter has reached an impasse but he and the other officers respect the young man’s defense of himself as well as his coming to the aid of Capt. Denisov. 

Interrupting the gathering is Zherkov, who was transferred to the Hussars after being banished from headquarters. He has to pay the price for his own recent failings. He announces that the men are being sent to fight and orders are to march the next day.

Tolstoy conveys that in lulls of army life (where there is no active fight), a dispute like this will garner all the attention. The stealing of a few coins and recriminations over same can lead soldiers to nearly killing one another – when they should all be on the same side. However, once the fighting starts – it is the type of incident overtaken by much greater priorities involving immanent life and death.

The story moves to the small German village of Zalzeneck, a few miles from Kutuzov’s headquarters in Braunau. Here, we catch up with Nikolai Rostov. 

Nikolai returns to camp with a small group who were foraging for hay. Nikolai is serving with the Pavlograd Hussars.  

Pavlograd was settled in the 1770s by Zaporizhian Cossacks. The area was named in 1783 for future Czar Paul, with “Pavlograd” meaning “Town of Paul.” The “Hussar” designation stems from the hussar units of Serbia and Hungary in the 15th and 16th centuries. They became known for dashing attacks, elaborate uniforms, curved swords, and high causality rates.

Many hussar units within the Russian empire had large contingents of ethnic Ukrainians, including descendants of Cossack officers. From 1648 – 1764 many Cossacks lived in their own Hetmanate, which had democratic standards. Cossacks were of mixed ethnic backgrounds and often runaways from the surrounding powers – including Polish, Ottoman and Muscovy/Russia. Cossacks had a sense of being freeman and led raids on Ottomans who enslaved Slavs.

As Nikolai returns to camp, he is in a jubilant mood. Bondarenko, described as “the Ukrainian” offers to care for Nikolai’s horse. Nikolai offers kind words though it is clear Bonderenko is in a subservient role. Further, Nikolai has the reputation of distributing generous gratuities to those who assist him.  Tolstoy recognizes Ukrainians as a distinct people – and this is notable.

 When Nikolai arrives at his quarters he sees the German land owner. They wish each other heart-felt pleasantries.  The host is happy to be quartering the friendly young man. 

Given Nikolai is from aristocracy, he is able to share quarters with squadron commander “Vasska” Denisov. The nickname "Vasska" was common for someone from a rural background.

Once inside, Nikolai realizes Denisov hasn’t come home, which implies he was out gambling. Denisov soon arrives and laments his losses at cards. He is in a foul mood as his servant, Lavrushka, assists helps him with his clothes and prepares him tea. Denisov wishes there were women around and also that the battle would start. He feels there is not much to do but sit around and drink. 

Denisov asks Nikolai to count the money in his purse – knowing the officer he owes money to is coming to collect. This demonstrates a relationship of trust and also subordination. 

 Lt. Telyanin then arrives and talks with Denisov about his drubbing. Upon hearing Telyanin, Nikolai hides the coins. Telyanin was described as being shifty with clammy hands.  Telyanin chatted with Nikolai about the horse he previously sold him, which Nikolai suspects he paid too much for. There was a problem with the equine’s strut and Telyanin instructs that he will teach Nikolai how to shoe the beast properly. When Telyanin told Nikolai to get the horse, it gave him an opportunity to steal Denisov’s purse, which had 10 coins in it.

When Rostov returned from shoeing the horse, he found Denisov composing a love letter. Soon after, Denisov realized he would have to retrieve the money to pay his debt.  He flew into a frenzy when his coins were not where it should be, blaming Nikolai as well as his servant. Denisov threatened to horsewhip them both. He got physical with poor Lavrushka, knocking the servant against the wall. Nikolai interceded, saying he knew what happened and would get the money back. 

Nikolai tracked Telyanin down at a tavern two miles away. At first Rostov observed Telyanin finishing a meal. When Telyanin went to pay, Nikolai approached him and asked to inspect the wallet. The gazes that passed between Nikolai and Telyanin confirmed all suspicions. Nikolai found himself confronting Telyanin in front of superior officers, which was a breach of protocol. Nikolai took possession of the purse but when Telyanin pleaded not to embarrass him, Nikolai threw the money back and left.

Note: There are NO spoilers in the the 2nd Epilogue to War & Peace, which is analyzed in bonus chapters. This final part of the novel involves a metaphysical exploration of the philosophy underlying W&P.

As Tolstoy (through Marya Bolkonskaya) expressed early in the novel, it is preferable to abide by the laws of Christ rather than academic sources.

Tolstoy posits that history cannot take a step forward {meaning an understanding of history can’t be approached} until there is a return to belief in a divinity that interferes in human affairs. Though Tolstoy wants to advance his Faith in an all-knowing and omni-benevolent God, he realizes within the age of Enlightenment, such a switch is not possible. The subtext is to trust the wisdom of God more than “enlightened minds” trying to interpret history.

Tolstoy attempts to conceptualize the concept of power and what he means is the force that produces historical events, a province formerly attributed to God. His memorable definition of power is “the collective will of a people transferred to a ruler by either express or unspoken consent.” Essentially, he sets up a nature of power only to challenge it.

Tolstoy stresses that power comes from the people and is given away. He argues that we take for granted Napoleon could raise 600,000 men from a cross-section of Europe to go to war. In Tolstoy’s view, Napoleon had no supernatural qualities nor moral force. Though critical, Tolstoy feels studying Napolean leads to a closer understanding of the nature of power – even if the efforts lays bare our limitations.

Tolstoy points out how various historical figures had immense influence but lacked morality. He references Louis XI and the Austrian diplomat, Klemens Von Metternich. He was searching for the set of qualities they had allowing them to wield such influence. 

Tolstoy then questions whether leaders regarded as subpar are representative of any collective will.  He then acknowledges how mistakes, accidents and unexpected developments precipitate major events. Palace coups, for example, begin with designs of such a small group that it is difficult to associate them with a collective will. Rebellions can also begin with the most unlikely causes – such a Cossack rebellion led by Yemelyan Pugachev, which began after taxation on fishing. We are asked to consider: Are those who led such rebellions motivated by any collective will? When lands are conquered is it ever representative of the will of the people conquered?

Tolstoy also ponders: when power is transferred (by a supposed collective will) is it conditionally or unconditionally transferred? He explores whether rulers break spoken or unspoken covenants and forfeit power.   He expresses that leaders must be held to do the right thing but acknowledges the complexity of determining what is right. It is something of a magical formula. Such unknowns can include: taxing a population too much or too little; not granting freedoms vs. being too permissive; not keeping up with the times vs. respecting tradition. He appears to be comparing the values of a given time (such as “equality,” “enlightenment” and “progressivism”) with the timeless values found in Scripture. He speaks to the changing values of historians/academics and highlights how such perceptions effect how they judge events.

Ultimately, Tolstoy sees a problem with historical analysis and presses on the inability to determine causes. He argues that the belief in a God who controls events, common among peasants, is just as valid as any level of historical analysis. This chapter is something of a challenge to intelligentsia. Tolstoy wrote 300+ chapters of W&P to express that it is impossible for humans to pin down the causes of Napoleon's invasion of Russia. Nevertheless amidst the tumult -- he was able to portray the greatness that can’t help but shine through the most trying of circumstances. 

General Kutuzov remains adamant about not sending his men into action. He is holding out despite appeals of Austrians leadership, who wish make use of his nearly arrived forces. Kutuzov is portrayed as knowing an attack would be foolhardy. He makes his position known to representatives of the Hofkriegsrat – the Austrian Council of War, who developed a reputation of bureaucratic decision-making.  

Kutuzov uses a correspondence of the Archduke to demonstrate his exhausted men are not needed, as the missive announces the Austrians are Masters of Ulm, ready to deal with whatever the French throw at them. More recent intelligence suggests the opposite, which is quickly and dramatically confirmed. 

The camp in Braunnau gets word of Austria’s historic defeat in Ulm, Bavaria (October 16th - 19th of 1805) and it is (fictionally) delivered by General Mack himself. Historically, Napoleon forced a surrender of tens of thousands after a masterful encircling maneuver. This victory continued build his mythic reputation as one of the great generals. Napoleon provoked the conflict when he knew much of the Czar’s forces were still marching to link up with the Austrians. The Austrians expected Italy to be the main battleground and put the bulk of their forces there. They maintained a smaller force in Bavaria and that is where Napoleon focused.

We catch up with Prince Andrei, who is enthralled with his role as closest aide to Kutuzov. His work involves receiving the latest war updates and drawing up memoranda. He has learned much since he linked up with Kutuzov in Poland. Andrei's intelligence and work ethic is well-respected. Many see Andrei as destined for greatness while others notice a coldness. Nevertheless, the way Andrei carries himself displays how well he adapted to military life.

Andrei encounters a bandaged Austrian general, who is revealed to be the “Unfortunate Mack,” who discloses the events at Ulm. Kutuzov realized his troops would have to enter the fray. There would be no further delay.  Andrei quickly grasped the significance of the moment. He would be introduced to battle where so many of his fellow countrymen, now so full of life, would fall. He felt conflicted. Though he would not overtly express it, he was satisfied the “arrogant Austrians” suffered humiliation from Napoleon, who remained his hero.

Andrei then ran into two of his less-serious colleagues; Nevitsky & Zherkov, who did not yet hear of the defeat and were irreverent toward Austrian leadership (making mock gestures as they walked by). Andrei set these men straight telling them not to play the fool. He took Nevitsky aside and lectured to accept the Austrians as brothers in a common cause. He lectured they should act united in grieving losses and celebrating victories. Otherwise, they are rendered mere mercenaries.

Along comes bouncing a light blue Austrian carriage escorted by Croatian horsemen, which is appropriate for the Austro-Hungarian Empire. It is time for the inspection of the newly arrived regiment. 

Out steps General Kutuzov along with his unnamed Austrian counterpart. As Kutuzov walks the line, he is pleased with the disposition of his troops. He notices the atrocious state of their boots, which the Austrians should have replaced. He points this out...diplomatically. 

Kutuzov graciously stops to speak with a few soldiers, some of whom he recognizes from past engagements. One is Captain Timohin, who Kutuzuv served with during the infamous Siege of Izmail (or Ismail) in 1790.  This reference points out Kutuzov’s experience in major conflicts. The siege was historically important as Izmail was a fortress at the center of an oblast (province) once controlled by the Ottomans. Thought impregnable, when the Russians breached the walls, the Muslim population was massacred.

Kutuzov addressed Timohin out of respect -- but it made his red-nosed comrade nervous. Thus, Kutuzov made the reunion brief. He later inquired how Timohin was performing to one of the commanders, while making clear his old friend was a good man. Kutuzov, in a jovial mode, noted how Timohin once had a prediction for Bacchus, the Roman god of wine and exultation. He opined how "we all have our little weaknesses."  Kutuzov is portrayed as having great respect for those he served with as well as being forgiving of imperfections.  

Close to Kutuzov was Andrei Bolkonsky, who reminded the General to address Dolokhov. Kutuzov informs Dolokhov that he can regain his office if he proves his worth. Dolokhov is thankful for the opportunity. Unlike Timohin, Dolokhov was not nervous and his demeanor breached the veneer of the deferential relationship. 

Overall, the inspection was looked upon as a success and the men were put at ease once Kutuzov left. One of the commanders ordered the soldiers be provided a round of Vodka. The group joked, insulted one another and engaged in soldierly banter. Some wondered when they would enter the fight. One pointed out that while Kutuzov had only eye (historically true), he could “see” more than most. A drummer struck up a tune that enabled those motivated to sing a military anthem praising Kutuzov. It was formerly a melody that would motivate soldiers to fight the Ottomans, now it was serving the same purpose against the French.

Then Zherkov, an old acquaintance of Dolokhov, approached Dolokhov. Zherkov did this upon noticing Dolokhov was singled out by the high commander. Once upon a time they both ran with the same wild set in St. Petersburg. Zherkov is now a musician for a Hussar regiment. Dolokhov knew the approach was only due to him being singled out - and remained distant. He refused Zherkov's invitation to play cards as he swore it off - for the time being.

Part 2 of Book 1 takes place in the forests outside Braunau, in the Archduchy of Austria, and close to the conflict engulfing Europe.

Thousands of soldiers from the Russian Empire marched 700 miles eastward to link up with their Austrian allies. Commanding them is General Mikhail Kutuzov. Focused on is the Third Company of the Semyonovsky Regiment of about 2,000 men.  They are camping near Braunau and are quite the curiosity to the locals. The troops are naturally exhausted. However, they are intrigued by the Austrian splendor: the scenery, the orchards, the masonry and the tiled roofs. 

The mid-level commanders receive word there will be an inspection, where Kutuzov and his Austrian counterpart will walk the lines. Their intuition says to get the men in their “parade” uniforms, so they can look their best. They yell commands on the thought it is: “better to bow too low; than not low enough.” The men do a splendid job but can’t cover up the horrible state of their boots, as the Austrians have been tardy in providing replacements.  Tolstoy is making the point that Kutuzov does not have a reliable ally. The Austrians are under the supervision of General Karl Mack von Leiberich.

After some time, up comes riding an aide and a Cossack. This is the first look at a Cossack, who generally held connections to Ukrainian identity - though they were a great mix of ethnicities who once lived as freemen beyond the borders of local empires. Word is given that General Kutuzov wants his men to look as they did when they arrived -- tired and poorly. Kutuzov knows if Austrian leadership sees them in such condition, his men will NOT be sent right into battle. The message to change gets relayed and the regiment is frustrated - but what’s a soldier to do?  

Once the men put back on their marching gear, one soldier sticks out like a sore thumb, as he has on a different color coat. He is wearing a uniform associated with officers of rank.  This creates commotion and he is treated like an undisciplined rogue. It is Feydor Dolokhov, who had retained his officer’s gear after being demoted for boorish behavior. He was not given replacement clothes and needed what he wore for the long march. A commander dresses him down and tells him to change but Dolokhov sternly responds that will not bear insults. His boldness quiets his superior. 

This is a 28-minute analysis of the 25 chapters of Part 1 of Book 1. It describes the context of the events Tolstoy brings to life, which starts in July of 1805. 

The analysis delves into major themes including war always seemingly on the horizon as well as the psychological battle of war & peace (voyna i mir) we all face. 

The discussion highlights how Tolstoy portrays the dying era of Catherine the Great (r. 1762-1796) with fictional characters such as Count Kirill Bezukhov (the first character to die) and retired General Nikolai Bolkonsky. Their sons, Pierre & Andrei, are the protagonists and two of the great characters of literature. At the outset of the novel, they are enamored with the chief adversary or the work, Napoleon. 

Russian aristocracy, as well as French exiles, view Napoleon as a malevolent threat. However, Pierre and Andrei view him of as a champion of a new era. More progressive minds of the time saw the status quo in the Russian Empire as a handful of nobles being supported by a peasant class tied to the land.

Given what Ukraine is being put through (and has historically suffered) by Russian aggression and policy, context is given to how a large number of the serfs referenced by Tolstoy were located in Ukraine and also how the Cossacks referenced have traditionally formed a basis of Ukrainian identity.

Pierre begins the novel as the illegitimate but favored son of Count Bezukhov and quickly winds up receiving the entire Bezukhov estate. This is despite efforts of the Count’s other relatives (Vissily Kuragin & the Count’s nieces) to deprive him of same. 

Tolstoy also contrasts the metropolitan areas, (St. Petersburg & Moscow) with the country-side, Smolensk, where General Bolkonsky lives. The General has two children, Andrei & Mayra. Andrei readies to set out in his father’s footsteps, taking his first military position as an aide to historic General Mikhail Kutuzov. 

Andrei admires Pierre as he sees within him a transcendent spirit.  Andrei has a beautiful wife who is pregnant, but he has never developed an affinity for her.   Andrie's sister, Mayra, is religiously devoted and exemplifies Tolstoy’s faith, as she runs her life by the teachings of Christ. This was not always the case but Scripture very much became Tolstoy’s guiding light. Marya faults her father and brother for not having sufficient devotion.

This section brings the reader closer to war with France. Russia is allied with Austria and plans are to march westward and link up. Most of the young men we meet, either already have or will take up a position that will get them involved in the conflict. This includes Andrei, Nikolai Rostov (Hussars); Boris (Imperial Guard); Lt. Alphonse Berg, Anatole Kuragin and Fyodor Dolokhov (Semyonovsky regiment), and Hippolyte Kuragin (Diplomat).  It remains a mystery where Pierre will find himself. 

In this early “peace” of the novel, we get a look at a soirée in St. Petersburg, the Rostov name-day celebration in Moscow, a night of gambling and hijinks, young love surrounding the Rostov children, as well as a lot of talk of the coming war.

Thank you very much for listening and it is my hope you find benefit of using this material as a supplement to your reading.

Prince Andrei is about to set out to become aide-de-camp to General Kutuzov. He has on his traveling coat while meticulously packing his effects. He pays special attention to his Turkish pistols and a saber -- spoils of victory his father gifted him from the Siege of Ochakov in 1778. The weapons illustrate the significance of the conflicts his (fictional) father participated in. They also highlight the legacy Andrei feels pressured to live up to.   

Ochokov is presently named Ochakiv and is on the winding southern coast of Ukraine, about 40 miles east (and slightly north) of Odessa. In 2022 and 2023 Ochakiv has been attacked by Russia but valiantly holds as a Ukrainian port city of about 15,000. Before 1778 it was the capital of an Ottoman province. 

Prince Andrei was in the frame of mind one can arrives at when embarking on one of life’s transcendent journeys. He contemplated the fear inherent in war as well as leaving his pregnant wife. His sister interrupted, initially visualizing her brother as a mischievous boy but realized he was now a stern man ready to face Napoleon. 

 Marya tells her brother what a treasure he has for a wife in that Lise has such a merry heart. She begs him to look empathetically upon Lise’s plight of being left in the countryside. While Marya appreciates her quiet life; Lise is a young woman of society. In Bald Hills there will only be her and Mademoiselle Amélie Bourienne to keep Lise company. Andrei describes not liking Amélie whereupon Marya defends her, lauding her good nature and providing Amélie’s backstory. Father adopted Amélie as a poor French orphan. She is said to be very pretty and often reads aloud (in French) to father. 

Marya tells her brother that he is a good man but suffers from an intellectual pride. When Andrei indirectly responds that life with General Bolkonsky must be challenging, Marya feels their father should only inspire veneration. The only thing she finds lacking in father is his lack of religious devotion. She finds similar fault in Andrei.

Marya takes occasion to present Andrei with a family heirloom, which she begs him to wear at all times. It is a small oval icon of Jesus Christ in a silver setting. It was worn by their paternal grandfather in all his military efforts. Service during major battles is very much a Bolkonsky tradition. Andrei jokes he will wear it if sufficiently light but observes his sister’s demeanor and meets the moment with the proper level of sincerity. In presenting it, Marya makes sure to cross herself and kiss the icon. 

Marya reminds Andrei not to judge Lise too harshly. Andrei picks up on the fact Lise has been complaining about their loveless marriage. Andrei reveals he is not happy and neither is his wife. Marya advices that he should have turned to God to pray for the love that is lacking. 

Andrei leaves the room and meets, in a secluded hallway, Mademoiselle Bourienne, who had the habit of placing herself in his path in dark corridors. She presented a sweet smile but Andrei’s response was an expression of disgust so severe that Amélie quickly retreated. Amélie also lives a life of solitude that she yearns to break free from.

Andrei was then summoned to his father for a private send off. Nikolai commends his son on not being tied to his “wife’s apron strings” and recognizing their rule for living should be “the Service before everything.” As Nikolai speaks he is fervently writing various materials of import to give to his son. One letter is to General Kutuzov, directing him to make proper use of his son.  

Andrei requests that his father arrange for the optimum care in relation to Lise’s pregnancy. He notes that his wife has bad premonitions about the birth.  His father agrees but senses Andrei's marriage is not in a healthy state. Nikolai advises Andrei there is nothing to be done as one (in their social class) “cannot get unmarried.” 

Nikolai also tells his son not to stay too long as an adjunct, implying he should quickly move on to take a command. He also gave his son his personal writings of military exploits to relay to the Emperor upon Nikolai's death.  He also asks his son to administrate a financial prize for the person who writes a sufficient history of General Suvorov’s campaigns.

Nikolai then gives his son the most profound advise he can offer. “Remember one thing. If you get killed, it will be a grief to me in my old age. But if I were to hear that you had not behaved like the son of Nikolai Bolkonsky, I should be – ashamed!”

Andrei understands the message and replies that if he is killed to raise his child (if a son) in Bald Hills, under his tutelage. The General, not one for overlong good-byes, tells Andrei to head off. As Andrei departs, he sees his wife and sister. He is dismissive of Lise, telling her to “go through her little performance.” The Little Princess was genuinely distraught the time had come for Andrei to leave. She became weak and fainted. Andrei helped her to an armchair, kissed his sister and bid her “Adieu.” He then left for the front in a coach pulled by six horses.

An intimate meal is held at the Bolkonsky estate on the sole day Andrei will reconnect with his father, Nikolay. The following day Andrei will be heading off to fight the indomitable forces of Napoleon.  

Awaiting in the dining room is Andrei, Lise, Marya, Mlle Bourienne, as well as Nikolay's architect, Mikhail Ivanovich, who is an odd addition. Usually a sticker for social class divisions, the old General invites his architect (considered a servant) to dine with him. This appears to be an attempt to teach his daughter that everyone is equal, in line with more liberal thinking. Nikolay does not keep a circle of close friends, so he may also be demonstrating a need to have a companion, even though Ivanovich largely remains silent. 

As he waits for his father, Andrei is made to laugh by a new addition on the wall, a framed genealogical tree tracing the Bolkonsky family roots to the ancient princes of the Kyivan-Rus’ and the legendary Rurik. Such family trees were fictional but taken seriously by the aristocrats who commissioned them. Andrei saw through the self-aggrandizement.

The “King of Prussia” arrives to the meal when various clocks strike two o'clock. The flock of house servants well-outnumber those who have a seat at the table. Nikolay leads the conversation, at first talking with his daughter-in-law, Lise, about her pregnancy.

Nikolay then leads a discussion regarding the Coalition against Napoleon. Andrei is surprised of his father’s ability to keep abreast of military news given he lives in secluded Bald Hills. Nickolay reveals he spends a lot of time running through scenarios on how the military effort can play out. He doesn’t think much of Napoleon but thinks equally little of Napoleon’s adversaries, including the leaders of Russia and Austria. In his mind, nobody lives up to the leaders of his generation, such as Alexander Suvorov and Grigory Potemkin -- titans, responsible for unprecedented expansion and success.

Suvorov was famous for leading efforts against the Ottomans and Poles and suppressing a peasant revolt. Potemkin successfully fought the Ottomans. He came up with the military plan that secured Crimea from Ottoman influence.  For hundreds of years Crimea had been run by the Crimean Khanate. Potemkin was also a favorite and lover of Catherine the Great. For decades Potemkin was regarded as the most powerful man in the country.

The awe Nikolay holds for his own (dying) generation rivals what young men, both followers and adversaries of Napoleon, have for the French Leader. Even though Tolstoy critiques Napoleon he is compelled to acknowledge how he is regarded as a transcendent figure. 

When Andrei defends Napoleon’s reputation from his father’s insults, the Old Man gets defensive. More specifically, Andrei points out what happened to the mighty Suvorov when he met French forces in 1799. This effort, more a battle against nature than the French, wore down Suvorov and he died the following year. However, this march through the Swiss Alps saved more men than expected. The perceived affront causes Nickolay to lose his temper and throw a plate.

The elder Bolkonsky calms himself and asks what his son thinks of General Mikhail Kutuzov. Andrei avoids the subject. That question will be answered in the rest of the book as Kutuzov’s leadership was instrumental in defending against Napoleon’s invasion.   

The meal ends and when exiting, Lise points out to Mayra how intelligent General Bolkonsky is and also how he has the ability to intimidate. Mayra responds with a blind adulation and just remarks how kind her father is. Marya sees only the good - like the ideal daughter.