How The Left Got Ethiopia Wrong Again Part 2

1h 8m | Nov 29, 2021

"If we have shortcomings, we are not afraid to have them pointed out and criticized because we serve the people. Anyone, no matter who may point out our shortcomings. If he is right, we will correct them. If what he proposes will benefit the people, we will act upon it."-Mao


 These western leftists absolutely need to just keep it at imperialism and stay away from the internal politics of Ethiopia. Just being in pfdj promotes you to address the primary contradiction which is imperialism. But the lack of 

acknowledgement of secondary contradictions by pfdj leads to a lack of understanding of an analysis on how the ruling class exploits these secondary contradictions to further their agenda. These secondary contradictions are weaponized to exasperate the primary contradiction. How tplf is using the plight of the oppressed nationalities to mask their elitist ideology. Ppl like Simon dismiss the oppressed as just tribalists. And it stops there for them, offering no validity to the oppressed masses who instead fall for tplf rhetoric that appears to be more in line with the oppressed. This alienates them like you said, and that’s a legitimate critique of the no more movement. This adds a lot of issues. 

This also gives legitimacy to Abiy, who on top of being even having more neoliberal policies than tplf, has denied historical grievances of folks in Ethiopia and even in America, and like you said you can oppose and fight against imperialism without totally endorsing the other side. It shouldn’t stop at just primary contradiction.

While EPRP*(Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Party) was actively resisting derg, they still aligned with dergs decisions to oust western puppet entities from Ethiopia. 

An example of being principled and aligning on the right side w/o endorsing the other side


You repeatedly state that Abiy started this war with TPLF, 

contrary to TPLF's own words in which they state they launched a "pre-emptive strike" against multiple northern command bases on Nov 4th.

Just simply "having positions" doesn't really mean anything if it doesn't translate to material action. In my opinion, many on the left, save a few organizations, are failing to capture the moment of what is essentially a pan-African movement against neo-colonial designs.

 What end is having a critique of the GOE while under attack by US backed forces supposed to contribute to the global movement? 

Should the left not unite with the #NoMore movement against imperialism or should it?

Listening to this I hear a lot of strawmen. Nowhere in any of the breakthrough or black agenda report coverage of the war have I seen anyone praise Abiy as some kind of socialist anti-imperialist hero.Seems unfair to suggest that's their position when it isn't.

Also like...what? "Take away the TPLF?" This isn't materialist at all, seeing as the TPLF is a heavily armed belligerent and player in the current conflict. 

This is an appeal to idealism in the middle of a war in which there will eventually be a victor and a vanquished.

Just wondering exactly what the endgame is here? 

So people shouldn't be mobilizing against US supported regime change in Ethiopia because Abiy is a capitalist? 

Should we take a "neither x or y" approach while a fascist proxy group continues its onslaught across the country?


Examine why PFDJ or Eritrea are in alliance with Amhara region?is it right? The primacy of the class struggle over the national question is an issue

All-Ethiopia Socialist Movement(MEISON) vs EPRP*(Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Party)

However, there were some sticky political problems for both the TPLF and EPRP regarding Eritrea. While they recognized the struggle for the Eritrean independence as genuine, they had differences as to whether the case was a ‘colonial issue’ or not. Without conducting the necessary study or having appropriate discussions, the TPLF held the view that the Eritrean case was a ‘colonial question.’ as the EPLF wanted it to be. 

It was probably an opportunistic stand , designed to outflank the EPRP from the privileged position the EPLF offering it. 

Without understanding the consequences that were to haunt it in the discourse of Ethiopian political history, this position continued to be the stand of the TPLF for years to come.

Another area of difference was over Eritrea and the guerrilla struggle for independence there. EPRP showed much greater sympathy for the guerrillas, particularly for the more radical Eritrean Peoples’ Liberation Front (EPLF). Many early EPRP cadres were trained and armed by the EPLF, and the EPRP’s armed wing used EPLF-held areas as a base when it commenced armed struggle in the north. MEISON accepted the right of self-determination for the nationalities, including the right of secession (which the EPRP was itself ambivalent on),

 but it denied the revolutionary validity of the Eritrean struggle in general and the EPLF in particular. 

The PMAC’s opponents, especially those in the various ethnic liberation movements, charge that the PMAC has become in fact the prisoner of the Amhara nationality, the ruling group under Haile Selassie. Amharas make up some 75 percent of COPWE’s central committee, reflecting the power structures of the military and civilian bureaucracy inherited from Haile Selassie. 

Amharas also hold approximately 60 percent of the appointments to the regional COPWE committees

 Promoting an agenda for lasting changes going far beyond those proposed since the revolution began in January, the Derg proclaimed Ethiopia Tikdem (Ethiopia First) as its guiding philosophy.

Giving an assessment of #NoMore is similar to #BLM and how BAR/Bruce Dixon gave the same critical pushback as well via class analysis and other tools of socialism

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